Here is the next section of Roswell Hitchcock's Socialism. If anyone is actually reading this and enjoying it please let me know. Because I think the stuff is really dense and tough to wade through. Don't get me wrong I like it and I think it is good and important to read in this modern age. But if the popular notion is that it stinks then I will find something else. (if all two of my readers don't like it, HA!)
This antiquity of Communism, almost newly discovered, certainly never before seen in such a light as now, is evidently doing a great deal to strengthen the argument for it, even with people who have not been in the habit of car- ing much for historic precedents. Commun- ism, once treated with scorn as a raw and recent heresy, now claims for itself the honors of age. The ancient Dalmatians, according to Strabo (vii. 5, 5), divided their acres every seven years ; the Vaccaei in Spain , according to Diodorus Siculus (v. 34), every year. The ♦Sir Henry Maine, first in his lectures at the Middle Tem- ple (1854-62), afterward in his " Ancient Law ** (1861), and " Village Communities " (1871); Maurer, in his "Einleitung zur Geschichte der Mark-Hof-Dorf-und Stadt Verfassung** (1854), and "Mark Verfassung" (1856) ; and Laveleye in his " De la Propriete et de ses Formes Primitives" (1874), trans- lated into English by Marriott (1878). ancient Germans, according both to Caesar (iff. G, iv. i), and to Tacitus (^Gerni, § 26), were Communists. So, also, in Russia , in India , in the island of Java , in Mexico , and in other countries, traces are found of the old joint tenure of land.* Christian people are reminded of the Agrarianism of the Mosaic legislation, the general basis of which was tribal, ■with a provision for bringing back, every fiftieth year, every acre of the land, except what belted the Levitical cities, to some representative of its original proprietor. Still more account is made of the pentecostal Communism of the Apostolic Church. It is idle to deny it, as some have done. The Apostolic Communism, to be sure, was not obligatory and absolute, but voluntary, and might be partial ; still it was Communism. This argument from antiquity — heathen, Hebrew, Christian, is not to be brushed away by a breath. We must be able to show that the earliest and oldest things are only sometimes, not always, the best. Blos- soms are not better than fruit. The human race must have had an infancy ; not as I sup- pose of barbarism, but of crude capacity- awaiting development. Ideas and institutions of every kind — religious, moral, political, must have grown ; but especially political ideas and institutions, as pertaining more to what is outward, mutable, and transient. On no other ground can we defend the Patri- archal and Jewish economies. Communism, we may say then, is not ex- actly barbarous, though frequently found amongst barbarians, but infantile. It was admirably suited to the Hebrews — a people of nomadic parentage, who were to be held back from commerce that they might be held back also from heathen contamination. And yet, for some reason or reasons, the Mosaic jubilee arrangement was so poorly observed, that Michaelis doubts whether it was ever observed at all. Ewald thinks that after hav- ing declined, the observance of it was revived by Josiah. On the whole, the Agrarian idea appears never to have been very fully realized. As for Christian Jerusalem, it was evidently an exceptional city in the Apostolic age. Men were gathered there out of all countries. Their new faith as Christians practically out- lawed them. They were poor — very poor ; distressed, a great many of them. Some were well off. It occurred to them to try the experiment of a partial Communism. Whether it was proposed, or only consented to, by the Apostles, does not appear. It is certainly not recommended in any Apostolic Epistle. Furthermore, the Jerusalem Church was al- ways poor, always an object of charity to other Churches ; and the Communistic experi- ment was not tried anywhere else.
Later on, in the fourth century, the Mo- nastic Communism makes its appearance. It was a good thing for Europe in the perilous infancy of its institutions ; a good thing down even to the time of Charlemagne ” since then, a bad thing. *See Woolsey's "Political Science," § 25.
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