Here is the next section of Roswell Hitchcock's Socialism. If anyone is actually reading this and enjoying it please let me know. Because I think the stuff is really dense and tough to wade through. Don't get me wrong I like it and I think it is good and important to read in this modern age. But if the popular notion is that it stinks then I will find something else. (if all two of my readers don't like it, HA!)
This antiquity of Communism, almost newly
discovered, certainly never before seen in such
a light as now, is evidently doing a great deal
to strengthen the argument for it, even with
people who have not been in the habit of car-
ing much for historic precedents. Commun-
ism, once treated with scorn as a raw and
recent heresy, now claims for itself the honors
of age. The ancient Dalmatians, according
to Strabo (vii. 5, 5), divided their acres every
seven years ; the Vaccaei in Spain , according
to Diodorus Siculus (v. 34), every year. The
♦Sir Henry Maine, first in his lectures at the Middle Tem-
ple (1854-62), afterward in his " Ancient Law ** (1861), and
" Village Communities " (1871); Maurer, in his "Einleitung
zur Geschichte der Mark-Hof-Dorf-und Stadt Verfassung**
(1854), and "Mark Verfassung" (1856) ; and Laveleye in his
" De la Propriete et de ses Formes Primitives" (1874), trans-
lated into English by Marriott (1878).
ancient Germans, according both to Caesar
(iff. G, iv. i), and to Tacitus (^Gerni, § 26),
were Communists. So, also, in Russia , in
India , in the island of Java , in Mexico , and
in other countries, traces are found of the old
joint tenure of land.* Christian people are
reminded of the Agrarianism of the Mosaic
legislation, the general basis of which was
tribal, â– with a provision for bringing back,
every fiftieth year, every acre of the land,
except what belted the Levitical cities, to
some representative of its original proprietor.
Still more account is made of the pentecostal
Communism of the Apostolic Church. It is
idle to deny it, as some have done. The
Apostolic Communism, to be sure, was not
obligatory and absolute, but voluntary, and
might be partial ; still it was Communism.
This argument from antiquity — heathen,
Hebrew, Christian, is not to be brushed
away by a breath. We must be able to show
that the earliest and oldest things are only
sometimes, not always, the best. Blos-
soms are not better than fruit. The human
race must have had an infancy ; not as I sup-
pose of barbarism, but of crude capacity-
awaiting development. Ideas and institutions
of every kind — religious, moral, political,
must have grown ; but especially political
ideas and institutions, as pertaining more to
what is outward, mutable, and transient. On
no other ground can we defend the Patri-
archal and Jewish economies.
Communism, we may say then, is not ex- actly barbarous, though frequently found
amongst barbarians, but infantile. It was
admirably suited to the Hebrews — a people
of nomadic parentage, who were to be held
back from commerce that they might be held
back also from heathen contamination. And
yet, for some reason or reasons, the Mosaic
jubilee arrangement was so poorly observed,
that Michaelis doubts whether it was ever
observed at all. Ewald thinks that after hav-
ing declined, the observance of it was revived
by Josiah. On the whole, the Agrarian idea
appears never to have been very fully realized.
As for Christian Jerusalem, it was evidently
an exceptional city in the Apostolic age. Men
were gathered there out of all countries.
Their new faith as Christians practically out-
lawed them. They were poor — very poor ;
distressed, a great many of them. Some
were well off. It occurred to them to try the
experiment of a partial Communism. Whether
it was proposed, or only consented to, by the
Apostles, does not appear. It is certainly
not recommended in any Apostolic Epistle.
Furthermore, the Jerusalem Church was al-
ways poor, always an object of charity to
other Churches ; and the Communistic experi-
ment was not tried anywhere else.
Later on, in the fourth century, the Mo-
nastic Communism makes its appearance. It
was a good thing for Europe in the perilous
infancy of its institutions ; a good thing down
even to the time of Charlemagne ” since then,
a bad thing.
*See Woolsey's "Political Science," § 25.
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